A genuine emancipatory movement is not afraid of being outlawed by the tyrants. It creates its own legality

Iphicrates Amyras

16-3-2012

The difference between an emancipatory movement and an opportunistic change of personnel at the summit of politics is its will to power, as Friedrich Nietzche would have put it.  

The “anti-memorandum” camp is ready to cross the river. The final confrontation has arrived with the enemy of the people. What has to be determined is the tactic for overthrow of the occupation regime.

The enemy possesses legislative power, a currency, bodies of armed men, media, government, courts, state archives and state insignias.

This is where the problem begins. The dilemma of “elections or insurrection” paralyses the mass movement. The question is not one or the other. The question is who is to decide what is legal and what is illegal. The Greek people or the Fourth Reich?  

A truly emancipatory movement generates its own primary law. It escalates the conflict to its limits. The showdown with the enemy is the first duty of the insurrectionary people.  

Τhe “anti-memorandum” front does not seek legitimation from the enemy. It makes the enemy illegal. It creates its own legality.  

We must explain this duty to the people and then the people will understand that there is no dilemma between “elections or insurrection”. The overturn is regarded as something given.  

Since the day that the collaborationists imposed the disgraceful Memorandum, the People have made great progress towards upgrading our ideological, organizational and political inventory. Now what is needed is that great leap. To create our own jurisprudence, our own laws.  

When a subjugated people comes to the realization that it is capable of creating its own laws, it is already on the verge of insurrection.  

It is our duty to make it clear to the People what weapons it has at its disposal to counter those of the enemy. Our duty is to escalate the political struggle of the people to a higher level.   

We raise the level of political consciousness of the People to the point where it acquires the self-confidence to sign decrees that will cancel out the decrees of the enemy, rejecting the conduct of occupationist  elections.  

The enemy possesses the power of money, by means of which it controls the banks, and so to a large extent the economy generally. The anti-Memorandum front must proceed immediately to issuing money, establishing a bank with the authority to issue money, directly overriding the monetary power of the enemy. Overriding Provopoulos and the  “Bank of Greece”. This anti-Greek institution has no connection with Greece. It is blindly subordinated to the Fourth Reich. We must now print our own money as an indication of national independence. We will not wait for elections before beginning to circulate our national currency. The phase of dual power and low-intensity insurrection has already begun in all the spheres of social life. It is unthinkable that we should ignore the battlefield of currency.  

The enemy has a parliament, which passes laws in defiance of the population. The anti-memorandum camp must declare itself a Constitutional Assembly, via the popular assemblies, overriding the legislative power of the enemy. We begin from now to vote laws, moving into the phase of dual legislative power.  

The enemy has a government, which functions as a surrogate for the interests of the Fourth Reich. The anti-memorandum camp must form a temporary revolutionary government, to secure the survival of the People until free elections can be held.  

The enemy has law courts, with collaborationist judges, who are destroying the People. The anti-memorandum camp must proceed to establish people’s courts, directly to override the authority of the collaboratiuonist judges.  

They will begin by trying cases such as the “haratsi”, the tax to be paid through electricity bills, and will cancel all the illegal decisions of the occupying authorities. On questions of insurance, on social questions, on labour questions, on taxation questions. In the next phase we will proceed to the arrest of the collaborationists. The people’s courts will put the traitors on trial. The existing traitorous judicial establishment is not entitled to judge them. This privilege will belong to the people’s courts.  

The enemy has controlled trade-union bodies. To win the support of all workers, the anti-Memorandum camp must show that it is able to organize a mass political strike, directly overriding the power of the collaborationist trade unions. For this to happen it must start to organize political strikes on dates and with a contest to be determined by us and not the leadership of the Greek General Confederation of Labour and Confederation of Greek Civil Servants’ Trade Unions.

The enemy controls the mechanism for calling and conducting elections. The anti-Memorandum camp will persuade the people that it deserves to govern the country by proclaiming its own elections, forming committees for snap elections, publishing its own electoral law based on simple proportional representation, drawing up its own electoral registers to avert fraud, establishing electoral machinery of the People, to secure the rights of the People.  

The organization of elections by the People, overriding the occupationist election-rigging machinery, will familiarize citizens with the art of establishing primary law. It will generate self-confidence in our despairing fellow-citizens. Above all it will give them what belongs to them and what conspiratorial bandits have stolen from them: popular sovereignty.

The enemy has Praetorian guards and is readying itself to accept reinforcement from other foreign Praetorian guards to shed the blood of the people. The anti-Memorandum camp must immediately organize people’s committees of self-defence. The people’s guards will physically confront whoever seeks to inflict violence on the People and will decisively neutralize them. In the subsequent phase the people’s guards will proceed to carry out arrests of collaborationists. They will have the basic responsibility for safeguarding the rights of the Greek People.  

The enemy has appropriated the struggles of the Greek people, promoting itself on national days of commemoration. The anti-Memorandum camp must break this emotional tie also. It must organize parades with people disabled by war occupying the official positions, directly overriding the occupationists’ usurpation of the right to sit in the places of honour on days of national commemoration.

The enemy possesses the monopoly over establishing companies, devising official insignias, a monopoly on the issuing of tax registration numbers, so as to be able to spy on the commercial operations of citizens and track them down. Then with the economic Gestapo (Special Investigations Service, formerly Body for the Prosecution of Economic Crime) it takes them hostage and blackmails them to pay ransom (called taxes) if they wish to regain their freedom.   

Τhe anti-Memorandum camp must do two things: firstly destroy the enemies’ electronic files and write off all the so-called debts of citizens to the occupationist bandits. Then to create its own insignias and its own tax registration numbers so that Greek citizens will be able to do business  without the risk of being taken hostage by the economic Gestapo.

The enemy owns the greater part of the mass media. By this means it carries out brainwashing of the people so that they will submit to the Fourth Reich. The anti-Memorandum front must create hosts of stations on the internet with their own news bulletins and round-the-clock programmes so as to outflank the enemy on the field of information provision.  

However, and finally, the enemy does not have at its disposal the venerable institution of ancient Greece, the Ecclesia tou Dimou, the democratic assembly. The anti-Memorandum camp must immediately revive the ancient institution of the Ecclesia tou Dimou in every neighbourhood.  

It will be the basic medium for political education of the People. Overriding the occupationist decrees of the enemy, the Ecclesies tou Dimou throughout Greece will promulgate their own decrees, in this way making it possible for the People to demonstrate its own worth and its own responsibility. Greece’s future will be forged by the Ecclesies tou Dimou and not by Greek-speaking parasites who kowtow to Reichenbach.

The duty of revolutionaries is to school the People in protracted emancipatory struggle, by every means. To inspire the People. To cultivate the instinct of self-preservation. To communicate the message of how primary law can be generated, overriding the occupationist laws.

The People do not need to wait on Papadimios (Greek pun: daddy executioner) and the bandit conspirators to leave office. The people can assume power immediately. And exercise it.  

The greatest threat to us at this moment is our own hesitancy and procrastination.  

For as long as we wait for the enemy to call elections we accord him the advantage of being able to surprise us. We present him with the opportunity to do battle on his own terms, on his own terrain.

A good general never engages in battle on terrain chosen by the opponent, at the time chosen by the opponent, in the manner chosen by the opponent.

We have an obligation to conduct our showdown with the enemy on terms of our own choosing, not on terms chosen by the bandit conspirators.  

Our aim is to form a provisional government of the People, proceeding into a phase of dual power.  

Those who concede to the occupier the initiative of calling elections are not just political innocents. They are a danger for the survival of the Greek People.  

Iphicrates Amyras

16-3-2012